Tuesday, 11 February 2014

Victims: Journalists vs the Public

We were always taught in university that journalism is the "fourth estate", a watchdog on those in power, a force that challenges them and keeps them alert for they know someone will hold them accountable. But, more importantly, this "fourth estate" is on a noble mission to give voice to the voiceless, bring attention to the unnoticed, and shed light upon what's been cast in the dark. Our professors told us time and time again that: journalism should reveal wrongdoing, raise awareness and demand justice - it is an active (and much needed) player in democracy.

And so journalism suddenly became the most intriguing thing that I ever came across, especially that this happened after the 2011 revolution when the whole country was bubbling with enthusiasm.

I was quite lucky to have worked with colleagues in on-campus newspapers who were (and some still are) vehement believers in such values of journalism. They were extremely enthusiastic about the potential impact news can make. We reported night and day on stories, interviewed tens of people, discussed scenarios and plans for hours - thinking this was our next journalistic breakthrough, that we'd be our university's Woodward and Bernstein.

It was all about "let's do some real journalism" - and to me, this "real" journalism was always about the story. We wanted to find the important stories, the good stories, work properly on them and get them published.

However, I started to feel recently that it isn't actually always about the story. A lot of the time it's more about the journalist. And this issue can have a lot of elements to look at and factors to consider. But what really drew my attention recently is how reporters are treated with superiority when it comes to situations where they are jailed, injured or killed.

The argument is that journalists are out risking their security to inform everyone else of the truth. And if you arrest or kill a journalist - you're silencing a channel of vital communication. And so the significance of the crackdown is doubled - you do not only trespass over a human being's freedom, but you deny the public the important service this journalist is giving them.

Sunday, 10 November 2013

Inside Egypt's Muslim Sisterhood

Supporters of Morsi shout slogans as they continue a sit-in protest outside the Rabaa al-Adawiya mosque in Cairo (Photo: Reuters)

[This story was originally published on Ahram Online on 7 October 2013] 

As army tanks came to a halt in front of a group of protesters lying in the road, the air thick with teargas, Wafaa Hefny didn’t hesitate.
“I walked up to the soldiers standing on each tank and said ‘your mothers will curse you. Do not fire at your brothers - go back,’” she recalls. “All the tanks moved back.”
Hefny, 46, is a university instructor and an active Muslim Brotherhood member. Speaking at home, she wears a crimson traditional dress, her hair streaked with a few grey lines. 
When security forces began to disperse a sit-in by supporters of Brotherhood president Mohamed Morsi at Rabaa Al-Adawiya on 14 August, Hefny and her husband immediately went there.
Hefny had spent several weeks camping at the Rabaa protest with her family. When she arrived at the site - in Cairo's Nasr City - she found no way in. So she joined people going to nearby Al-Tayaran Street where they forced tanks to retreat. 
After her encounter with the tanks, she spent the night transporting dead bodies out of the ruins of Rabaa. 
Women on the streets
Hefny was not the only female member of the Brotherhood who took to Cairo’s streets when the protest camps were dispersed.

Though the Brotherhood, an 85-year-old Islamist group founded by Hassan El-Banna, is seen as a male-dominant group, it has a lot of “sisters” who participate in different roles. They may not, however, reach leading positions or rise to the fore after a lot of the men were arrested recently.
“Women are more active on the street than men,” Sameh Eid, a former member of the Brotherhood, tells Ahram Online. 
“They engage actively in public relations and elections campaigns; they are passionate and enthusiastic members,” he says.

Policewomen patrol women's carriages on Cairo's packed metro

Colonel Roqayah El-Seify speaking to women passengers in the metro (Photo: Reem Gehad)

[This story was originally published on Ahram Online on 2 October 2013] 

As crowds increase on Cairo’s underground with the return to school and closure of a central station connecting two main metro lines, a female police force has appeared on busy trains. 
Colonel Roqayah El-Seify, 57, saluted high-ranking officials as she walked into the police office at Shohada metro station in downtown Cairo, one of the city’s busiest stations.
She wore a white police suit, pink-coloured make-up and a black headscarf under her police cap. 
“We work with policemen in order to secure and protect the metro - trains and stations,” she told Ahram Online. 
The female force on the metro includes officers and lower-ranking police personnel. El-Seify says at least ten women are part of this force. They come from a larger women's division within the Interior Ministry, recruited mostly from administrative positions. 
Their task in the metro is primarily focused on the two carriages allocated for women on each train. 
“We secure these carriages through moving patrols inside them, raising awareness of pickpockets, beggars and harassers,” she said. 
Passengers in the female-only carriages often complain about men who ride in them, especially during late hours, as sexual harassment has become a daily issue for most women in Cairo. 
More than 99 percent of hundreds of women surveyed in seven of the country's 27 governorates reported experiencing some form of sexual harassment, ranging from minor harassment to rape, according to a report issued by the UN, Egypt's Demographic Centre and the National Planning Institute in April.

Egyptian Social Democratic Party: From opposition to cabinet leaders

PM Hazem El-Beblawi (L) and deputy PM Ziad Bahaa El-Din (R) (Photo: Ahram)

[This story was originally published on Ahram Online on 23 July 2013]

Founded after the January 25 Revolution, the Egyptian Social Democratic Party (ESDP) sits at the top of the government in the post-Morsi transitional period.
Prime Minister Hazem El-Beblawi and Deputy Prime Minister Ziad Bahaaeddin are founding members of the centre-left liberal party. As heads of the government, they are now looked upon to solve pressing issues, including economic problems, severe political divisions and the security vacuum.
El-Beblawi, a liberal economist, leads a largely secular government following president Mohamed Morsi's ouster by the army on 3 July amid mass protests against his rule.
The new government marks a change from former prime minister Hisham Qandil's cabinet which was mostly comprised of Muslim Brothers or their Islamist sympathisers.
Ahram Online profiles the ESDP and examines its views and stances on current political affairs.
ESDP’s relationship with the new cabinet
The party released a statement saying that it would play no role in the formation of the cabinet and would not interfere in its work once it is sworn in.
The PM and deputy PM were chosen by [interim President Adly Mansour] because they are competent, Ahmed Fawzi, ESDP general-secretary said. “We are proud, as a party, to have qualified people to fill such positions.”
However, Fawzi stressed the cabinet is not the “party’s cabinet.”
Mohamed Abul-Ghar, head of the ESDP and one of its founders, described El-Beblawi and Bahaaeddin as “independent technocrats” in an interview with Ahram Online on Sunday.
Indeed, the cabinet does not contain any other ESDP members. However, the party has expressed satisfaction with the new government.
“There are many ministers whose ideas are similar to ours, including Manpower Minister Kamal Abu-Eita [labour activist and head of the Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions] and Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Higher Education Hossam Eissa [former leading member of the Constitution Party],” Fawzi said.
Abul-Ghar described the cabinet as “reasonable,” adding that “people are happy with some appointments as they belong to the revolution.”
“In fact, the party has made a sacrifice by agreeing to the appointments,” Fawzi added. “If their performance is unsatisfactory for the people at this critical time, it will directly affect us.”
Economic Views 
For many, and the ESDP is no different, the interim cabinet’s first priority should be overcoming the economic crisis.
However, Fawzi said El-Beblawi would not implement an ESDP economic programme during his premiership.
“The current cabinet should help stop the crisis from worsening,” he said. “We should not expect it to revive the economy with a comprehensive programme - it is a temporary government.”
The ESDP advocates social and economic justice, viewing the private sector and free market policies as the most productive and efficient way to organise the economy, albeit with a measure of state regulation.
The party also supports the inflow of foreign direct investment within a regulatory framework that prevents monopolistic practices.
Indeed, PM El-Beblawi, who previously served as finance minister and deputy prime minister for economic affairs in 2011, said in an interview with state TV on Sunday that he supports a “free market system, but with government regulation.”
He spoke of foreign investment, from the US and the Arab World, saying that Egypt’s choice should be “openness and cooperation with the world.”
In the past two weeks, Egypt has received $12 billion in aid from the oil-rich Gulf states of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
However, according to Samer Atallah, an assistant professor of economics at the American University in Cairo, the interim cabinet’s economic challenge lies elsewhere.
“The government has members from the left and the right. I am sceptical that this will create a common agenda,” he told Al-Ahram Weekly on 17 July.
“For example, you have someone like Abu-Eita who strongly opposes the IMF loan and you have El-Beblawi and [Finance Minister] Ahmed Galal who are advocates of the loan,” Atallah added.
Meanwhile, El-Beblawi stressed in his televised interview that he is looking to implementing a law setting minimum and maximum wages, a long-awaited demand since the January 2011 uprising.
ESDP’s relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood
The ESDP is a liberal party that advocates a strictly secular state. In this regard, it opposes Mohamed Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood and its political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP).
The ESDP is a member of the National Salvation Front (NSF), Egypt's main coalition of liberal and leftist parties, which is a major opponent of the Brotherhood and participated in the anti-Morsi protests on 30 June.
In the current situation, where Morsi supporters are calling for his reinstatement, actions are being made for reconciliation.
Egypt’s presidential aide for political affairs Mustafa Hegazy announced last Wednesday that communications regarding national reconciliation would start this week.
Abul-Ghar said his party had tried to reach out to the Brotherhood as it “does not want revenge.”
“[However], the Brotherhood doesn't reach out to us, they don't answer anything. We would like them to join the political arena.”
El-Beblawi’s cabinet does not include any Islamist figures. But according to Abul-Ghar the Brotherhood and the Salafist Nour Party were invited to join but refused.
On Sunday, the Brotherhood said it rejected the current situation and would not back down on its demand for Morsi’s reinstatement. It also called for dialogue, after Morsi's return to the presidency, with "all political forces."
For Abul-Ghar, a potential reconciliation would include releasing prisoners “unless somebody did something that deserves legal consideration.”
Fawzy said reconciliation is welcome with Egypt’s Islamist forces, but only with figures who had not “commited crimes.”
Several leading Brotherhood members were detained after Morsi’s ouster on charges including incitement of violence. Morsi himself has been held incommunicado at an unknown location since 3 July.
Relationship with the military
The ESDP was among the groups that opposed the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) when it held power from president Hosni Mubarak’s ouster in February 2011 until Morsi’s election in June 2012.
It was critical of SCAF’s “mismanagement” of the post-revolution scene. After army chief and defence minister Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi announced Morsi's removal, the Brotherhood called it a “military coup.”
Debates were triggered in the media over the extent of the army’s role in politics. El-Sisi was then appointed first deputy prime minister and has maintained his position as defence minister in the interim cabinet.
“The military should stay the same. The defence minister has always been the head of army,” Abul-Ghar said. He added that the army “is not in charge” and “the cabinet was formed independently.”
El-Beblawi said in a televised interview that the first time he spoke to El-Sisi was when they took the oath together.
ESDP in parliament
In the 2011/2012 parliamentary elections, the ESDP participated as part of the Egyptian Bloc, a coalition of leftist and liberal forces. Originally comprised of 21 groups, after several defections the Bloc finally included the ESDP, the Free Egyptians Party, and the Tagammu Party.
The ESDP won 16 seats (out of 498) in the People's Assembly, parliament’s lower house, ranking highest in the bloc. In the Shura Council elections, the upper house of parliament, it won eight seats.
However, shortly before Morsi’s ouster, all party members submitted their resignations from the Islamist-dominated 270-seat Shura Council in solidarity with the 30 June protests. About 34 Shura Council members, from secular forces, also submitted their resignations.
On 14 July, Abul-Ghar told Sada El-Balad TV channel that the parties in the NSF would run under one unified list in upcoming parliamentary elections.
However, the NSF is currently facing internal troubles after its head Mohamed ElBaradei and general-secretary Mounir Fakhry Abdel-Nour left their positions to become vice-president and industry minister respectively.

Sunday, 19 May 2013

Palestinians struggle for recognition, threatened in Egypt


Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp in Syria. © Hani Naim
Yarmouk Palestinian refugee camp in Syria. © Hani Naim - IBTimes

You can listen to sources quoted in this article speaking in this audio clip (in Arabic). 

By: Reem Gehad

“The employee [at the Egyptian passport authority] took my [Palestinian refugee] travel document and told me ‘this is not a passport, do not say that this is a passport’ and he threw it on the desk,” Nadia Khalifa, a 53-year-old Palestinian woman said.

Denied a homeland and forced to live for decades in often disadvantaged “refugee camps” in neighboring Arab countries, Palestinians coming from war-stricken Syria are faced with a new identity hardship in Egypt.

Khalifa came on her own to Egypt in July 2012 when Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad’s planes bombarded her street in the Yarmouk camp, south of Damascus, which has been home to over 100 thousand Palestinian refugees since 1957.

"They're saying the ambassador will come out to talk to us, I'll wait, you won't bear the heat, but I will – after all why not?" Khalifa told young girls when they asked her to go home with them. They had been standing in a protest in front of the Palestinian Embassy in Dokki, Giza, for the second time demanding it interferes to help them legally stay in Egypt.

Like most Palestinian-Syrians who arrived in Egypt since the outbreak of the 2011 Syrian conflict, Khalifa went to the Egyptian interior ministry’s Passport, Immigration & Nationality Authority (PINA) to gain a residency permit.

“After four months of visiting the office, they rejected my application,” she said.

About ten thousand Palestinian-Syrians arrived in Egypt since the start of the conflict in Syria, most of them coming from the Yarmouk Camp. They hold a “Palestinian refugee travel document” that is issued by the Syrian government.

Those who are not granted a residency permit in Egypt are faced with the threat to be deported at any time back to Syria. In addition, they stay in Egypt without work or access to basic services.

“Those with families, especially children who go to school, are usually granted a few-months permit,” said Abd El-Jabbar Bilal, a 42-year-old Palestinian lawyer who left Syria to Egypt last October.

“However, they are still not granted the right to work,” he explained, “I came with my wife and six children and received a six-months permit to stay, but I cannot work and my savings are about to end and when they do – how am I going to feed my family?”

“Despite that, however, it seems there isn't a clear policy on why a Palestinian is given the permit and for how long,” Bilal explained.

While he received a permit for six-months, others in a similar situation would gain a permit for a longer or shorter period of time. The process may also differ as some may wait for a long time to receive their acceptance.

“But if you do not have school children you do not have the right to stay at all,” he said.

Old men and women, young people who fled the country for being wanted by the Syrian regime – they are all denied the right to stay.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) does not offer much help either as they are prevented by Egypt’s foreign ministry to register Palestinian refugees.

This isn’t the case for their Syrian counterparts who can be legally registered with the UNHCR, granting them protection from deportation and providing them with aid. In addition, Egypt issued a presidential decree last September granting various rights to Syrian refugees, including access to government schools. However, all this legislation and rights do not apply to the Palestinians who fled Syria.

“[The office] was instructed by the Egyptian ministry of foreign affairs not to register Palestinian-Syrians,” a public information officer at the UNHCR, who refused to disclose their name, said.

The main organization that should be involved in dealing with Palestinian refugees in Egypt is the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) for Palestine Refugees.

“Because Egypt is part of the UNRWA, we cannot really do anything more with the Palestinian refugees here,” the UNHCR representative said.

However, UNRWA only has a laision office in Cairo that does not offer much practical services to Palestinians here. To change this situation, Egypt would not to approve and a vote by the UN general assembly.  

The Palestinian-Syrian refugees blamed Palestinian Embassy in Cairo for worsening their situation, citing its “inaction” as the trigger for their protest in front of the embassy last April and again earlier in May. 

The demonstrators had called for their protest on a Facebook page titled “Do not kill us twice.” 

They put forward several demands, their first being that, “the Palestinian embassy should consider it a top priority to work with the Egyptian governmental entities and the UNHCR to solve the problems of the refugees in terms of recognition and equality with the Syrian refugees.”


The protesters also demanded that the embassy “should fulfill its duties towards the refugees in terms of providing them with medical aid, food and financial aid.”

The Palestinian embassy in Cairo released an official statement on 22 April saying that they have created a database for the refugees who fled Syria and have provided them with financial aid. However, Palestinian protesters say that this is false.

“I came with my wife last year,” Saleh Abd El-Aal said, “She suffers from diabetes and needs weekly medication. I cannot afford that anymore, and if I don’t manage she will just die.”

Abd El-Aal came from Yarmouk camp with his wife when the attack on the camp intensified.

“They bombed different parts at a time, when the fighting spread in the camp and it became more and more dangerous we had to leave,” he said.

He applied for a residency permit at PINA last January and was only granted four-months permit earlier in May.

“I had to go to the offices of National Security (El-Amn El-Watani) several times and was asked about my arrival in Egypt and what I plan to do,” he said.

Bilal explains that many Palestinian-Syrians choose Egypt as a refuge because other Arab countries constitute a different challenge for them.

“Iraq is marred by sectarian conflict for example and we know that Palestinians aren't at their best in Lebanon,” he commented, “We thought Egypt would be better.”

Yarmouk is the largest camp in Syria for Palestinians who were forced out of their lands in the 1948 Israeli occupation. It is located about eight kilometers south of Damascus’ city center.

The total number of Palestinians in Syria is estimated to be over 500 thousand people.

Palestinian-Syrians have been known to enjoy a lot of rights under Assad’s regime in Syria. Their situation is better than that of Palestinian refugees in neighboring Jordan or Lebanon. When the conflict waged in Syria, most of them decided to remain neutral. 

However, they were dragged into the strife and were forced to become part of it.  

Many displaced Syrians from the conflict had already arrived at the camp that was considered relatively safe in comparison to other places in Syria.

However, last August airplanes bombed the camp leaving at least 20 people dead, according to the United Nations.

In December, fierce fighting took place in the camp between pro-Assad Syrian Army and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (a pro-Assad group based in Yarmouk) on one hand and the Free Syrian Army and an anti-Assad Palestinian group in the camp called the Storm Brigade (Liwa Al-‘Asifa) on the other.

This has caused serious damage and has claimed many lives in the camps as a result, with thousands of its resients forced to leave it.

Concerns have been rising in Egypt over the intentions of Palestinians who arrive here, especially those coming from Gaza, amid unofficial claims that they plan to take Egypt as a home, staying here by force.

 “We used to struggle to get our [Palestinian] land back, now we are struggling to be called refugees,” Bilal said, “Is there any more humiliation than that?” 

Fleeing Syrians find few opportunities in cash-strapped Egypt

Syrian Protests (Photo: AP)


By: Reem Gehad 

(This article was originally published on Ahram Online's website on 4 April 2013)

A young man in his twenties stands at a stall selling Syrian textiles in a temporary market in Faisal Street, Giza, folding sheets and table-covers as a few customers ask about prices then leave.
Constantly haunted by the fear of being identified by Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad’s watchmen, Syrians in Cairo repeatedly refrain from speaking to journalists, or – if partially reassured – refuse to disclose their full identity.
"I was imprisoned by Assad's forces, and when I came out they went after me again, so I left," the young man said.
He arrived in Egypt last October and it took him until February to find a job.
"I had about $3,000 with me when I first came to Egypt," he said. "I rented an apartment for three months in the Madinet Nasr district for LE2,500 (roughly $360). The owner also took another LE2,500 as a deposit, and with my own expenses, after three months, my money was gone."

"I left the apartment and I'm currently staying with a Syrian family. A friend of mine then helped me get my job with an Egyptian merchant who works with Syrian fabrics," he said.
The number of Syrians in Egypt is estimated to have exceeded one and a half million people, according to the Egypt-based Fard Foundation and the Committee for Syrian Refugee Affairs in Egypt.
Along with well-off Syrian professionals and businessmen, craftsmen, administrative employees and traders have also left their lives and homes in the conflict-wracked country. They were faced with the difficulties of starting new lives in Egypt, a country bogged down with its own political and economic crises.
Many Syrians find it difficult to find jobs with salaries proportionate to their expenses, especially as apartment rents are high in Cairo.
"My original work is carpentry," another young man who arrived with his family said. "But because manual labour is very cheap in Egypt, I couldn't work as a carpenter and eventually found a job with a Syrian textile merchant here."
He came with his wife, one-year-old son and his parents five months ago from Halab city, which has experienced considerable conflict during the ongoing turmoil. It took him about three months to find his job, which earns him LE2,500 monthly, and he pays about LE1,000 in rent for an apartment on Faisal Street where he lives with his family.
The Fard Foundation works with Syrian refugees in Egypt, particularly those who settled in 6 October City on the outskirts of Cairo. It offers them help finding residence, employment, legal help and medical care, along with providing other services.
"Syrians who had their own businesses usually try to reopen similar ones in Cairo," said Fard Foundation head Um Abdallah, who is half Syrian herself. "But those who do not have a skill or a craft are the ones who suffer the most."
This is especially the case when Egypt's unemployment rate stood at 13 percent in 2012.
Um Abdallah says that, for example, Egypt's Nile Delta city of Damietta has a large Syrian population that mainly came from the city of Saqba in the Damascus countryside. Like Damietta, Saqba is well known for its furniture industry and thus the majority of its residents opted for the Nile Delta city.
However, Um Abdallah said that some Syrians face tensions with their Egyptian peers when working in non-Syrian businesses.
"Syrians are known to be very hard working and so this creates competition between them and their Egyptian rivals, who try to put them out of work," she said. "So usually, they prefer to work with fellow Syrians."
Syrian trade
Many Syrians work at Syrian markets or 'exhibitions,' as they are called in Arabic, which are set up for a limited period of time and move from one place to another. They are usually divided into partitions for different merchants, and often specialise in textiles – a niche that Syrian tradesmen have become known for over the years.
Ahmed El-Homsi, a middle-aged man from the countryside near Damascus, sells traditional dresses and women's clothing at the Faisal market.
His wife and two daughters live in Alexandria, where house rents are cheaper. He is staying in an apartment shared with a number of Syrian men in Cairo.
"When I came to Egypt, I brought a supply of my goods left over from my original store in Syria," he said.
Products come in through the Suez Canal city of Port Said and merchants receive them there before bringing them to Cairo.
"However, now it is extremely difficult to get more products out of Syria. If this supply runs out, I will have nothing more to sell," he said.
His assistant, a young man, sat nearby speaking of the difficulties affecting his trade because he was not able to register himself with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
"It is easier for families, especially those with children who go to school, to register as refugees and have an official right to stay," he said. "I came alone."
This in turn affects his ability to open a bank account in Cairo and use it for his business.
"I have to go in person to receive or deliver money around Cairo or even to Port Said," he said. "I am not allowed to use the bank."
El-Homsi and his assistant said they are looking at southern Europe, particularly Spain, as a new market from which they might import goods if Syria becomes impossible.
In Al-Ghouriya, a part of the historical Cairo district of Al-Azhar, several shops have been opened recently by Syrian traders to sell tablecloths, bed-covers, towels and other textiles.
"We opened our branch here in Cairo about four years ago," a Syrian shop owner in Al-Ghouriya said. "But after the situation in Syria escalated, several shops opened beside us here."
"It's all the better for us; we have become well-known and people come to see the Syrian shops," he added.
"However, we are having problems getting goods out of Syria," he said.  "We are not using the Damascus airport anymore; we usually use the seaport of Latakia, but this is also becoming more expensive and less secure. We thank God when goods arrive safely."
"We are importing more goods from Turkey at the moment, but the majority still comes from Syria," he added."Some people, depending on the capital they have, transfer their factories to Cairo – but not everyone is able to."
Syrians usually opt for businesses that are unique to them in order to succeed. Known to have one of the best cuisines in the Arab world, many have set up food businesses.

At El-Hossari Mosque in 6 October City, many Syrian vendors and shops have opened, offering patrons traditional pastries and desserts like baklavas, kunafeh and maamoul.
"Syrians would usually prefer any job to unemployment, and many are good at setting up small businesses," Um Abdallah said.
Struggling to create opportunities
Many Syrians, who do not have enough capital to start their own businesses or have a specific craft, resort to alternatives. One example is Abo Omar and his family who have been living in Alexandria for over a year.

Abo Omar, a 48-year-old man from Idlib in Syria, arrived in Egypt with his two wives and ten children in February of last year.
"We were actually travelling to Libya," he recounts. "We stopped in Saloum [on the Egypt-Libya border] because the borders were closed at the time."
There were about 100 Syrian families faced with the same situation in Saloum, according to Abo Omar.

"We stayed like this for about two weeks. The Salafist Call organisation provided us with places to live and came twice a week with supplies for the families," he said. "They later suggested that I should stay in Egypt, and I did."
Abo Omar used to be a lorry and bus driver back in Syria.
"I worked for a tourism company for 25 years. I was given a certificate which I brought with me to Egypt to show potential employers," he said.
"I went to many companies; they all told me my experience was excellent and promised to contact me, but they never did."
When asked why, Abo Omar answered: "A good lorry here costs about LE300,000 to LE400,000 and, you know, they would be afraid that a Syrian man might steal it and sell it."
Abo Omar then tried working on a microbus in Alexandria on the Asafra-Mansheya route, where he worked 12-hour shifts starting at 3am. However, because he suffers from back-pain, he stopped shortly after.
He then took a course with his eldest son, Omar, in mobile-phone repairs, and they are both currently working in a mobile-phone shop owned by an Egyptian man.
However, he also started his own business, engaging the women in his family.
They started a Syrian food business in Alexandria under the name 'We are producers, not refugees.'
The ladies in Abo Omar's family cook Syrian dishes, which are then delivered to customers.
"Everyone in my family works in the project – from buying material, cooking, finances and delivering," Abo Omar said.
"We make about four or five orders a day," Um Omar, his first wife, said. "But on other days, we don't make any orders at all."
Their eldest daughter, who used to take part in anti-Assad demonstrations back in Syria, and who asked not to disclose her name, said: "I go to school every morning, even though I already finished my education in Idlib; but they did not accept my certificate here, and when I come back home, I work in the kitchen until midnight with the others."
"Most customers like to buy traditional Syrian dishes, such as keibba, sheish barak and stuffed vine-leaves," Um Omar said.
Businessmen flee to Egypt
Many Syrian businessmen who have arrived in Egypt are expected to invest in their host country's economy.
"Several factory owners have dismantled their factories in Syria and shipped the equipment to Turkey, and then to Egypt, where they set them up again," Um Abdallah said.
Turkish news agency Anadolu reported last December that the top-ten Syrian businesses had all "fled to Egypt."
Syrian activist Khalil El-Egeili said that many of these businessmen prefer to invest in the stock market or deposit their money in Egyptian banks, according to Anadolu.
The news agency also reported that total Syrian investment in Egypt is currently estimated at between $400 million and $500 million.
As the violence persists in Syria, the number of Syrians in Egypt is expected to swell further. As they continue to arrive, they are faced with the difficulties of setting up new lives and new homes in a country struggling to provide for its own teeming population.